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ISSN : 1226-3206(Print)
ISSN : (Online)
Studies in Modern Grammar Vol.78 pp.1-19
DOI : https://doi.org/10.14342/smog.2014.78.1

Pre/postposition Stranding under Sluicing and the Identity Condition on Ellipsis

Myung-Kwan Park
Dongguk University
Received: April 13, 2014 , Revised version: May 29, 2014 , Accepted: June 13, 2014

Abstract

Myung-Kwan Park. 2014. Pre/postposition Stranding under Sluicing and theIdentity Condition on Ellipsis. Studies in Modern Grammar. 78, 1-19. Thispaper examines the exceptional behavior of P-stranding under Sluicing insome languages which do not allow P-stranding under regular whmovement(cf. Merchant (2001)). Spanish, Polish, Brazilian Portuguese andIndonesian, in contrast to Greek and Czech, are in principle a prepositionpied-piping language, but they allow P-stranding under Sluicing thatarguably derives from cleft structure or via repair-by-ellipsis. Still critical tothis process of P-stranding under Sluicing is the identity-in-ellipsisrequirement that the morpho-syntactic form of the surviving wh-expressionin the sluiced clause matches the one that its overt or covert correlateexpression would potentially take if it underwent regular wh-movement.Extending this generalization to ‘Sluicing’ and ‘Fragmenting’ in Korean, weshow that the somewhat unexpected postposition stranding and omission ofthe wh- and fragment expression in these constructions of Korean alsoderive from (pseudo-)cleft structure, meeting the identity/parallelismcondition on ellipsis.

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